Hindutva is studied and analysed by different scholars today. The context evokes a certain consciousness to understand this ideology. In this article I portray how Hindutva has a hidden agenda towards the marginalized. Apparently Hindutva seems to identify itself with them and help them to grow in society; but as a long term achievement, I visualise Hindutva uses a certain matrix and utilises some people to project themselves as saviours of this country. What is our critique then and our Christian response?

Vinayak Damodar Savarkar (1883-1966), a Maharashtrian Brahmin of the Chitpavan caste was inspired by the life and work of the Italian revolutionary Giuseppe Mazzini. Savarkar founded a secret society in 1904 called Abhinev Bharat modelled after Mazzini’s Young Italy. Mazzini was a Fascist. Kesha Baliram Hedgewar (1898-1940) founded the Rashtriya Swayam Sevak Sangh (RSS) at Nagpur in 1925. RSS began as an explicitly upper caste Hindu organisation, promoting the Hindu Rashtra. It successfully crystallised the concept of Hinduism and Nationalism. M.S. Golwalkar (1906-1973) who succeeded Hedgewar found inspiration in Hitler, the Nazi leader. According to Golwalkar at the heart of Hindu culture is Hindu religion, and its noble ideas are from the Vedas. He also asserted that the diverse languages of India are offshoots of Sanskrit, the dialect of the gods and Aryans the enlightened race. Golwalkar regretted the fall of the Brahmins in Hindu society, which according to him, was deliberately brought about by the British. He had drawn the ideology of the Hindu Rashtra from the Nazi ideology and was against the theory of Nationalism by Congress, "that the nation is composed of all those who for one reason or the other happen to live at the time in a country" (Jafferlot, 1996:26). D.S. Deoras, the former President of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) too advocates in the similar tone of Golwalkar: "Those who live in this country and accept the fact that this is an ancient nation with a long history and a hoary tradition and willing to share it are all covered by that word (Hindu); they are all members of the Hindu Rashtra and believers in Hindutva which is Hinduism. How then can anyone say that this concept is anything but national?" (Chitkara, 1997:166).

The Sangh Parivar’s slogan ‘one nation, one culture, one religion, one language’, is similar to the Nazi slogan ‘Ein volk, ein Reich, ein Fuehrer’ (one people, one State, one leader). The incriminating notion of one State, one race motivated the Nazis to indulge in one of the most inhuman forms of destruction. The Sangh Parivar has created a ‘we-ness’ identity based on tradition and ritual. At the same time they have created ‘the other’, the Muslims, Christians and Communists who become ‘the other’.

The Sangh Parivar’s ideology is based on Brahminical Hinduism. This ideology took on real flesh and blood with the consolidation of anti-Mandal sentiments. Thus the ‘we’ swung into a social action aggressively to guard its privileges and status. The Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) and Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) together with the religious emotive symbol and political agenda of keeping the interests of the upper castes, have gone into action of demolition of Babri Masjid, anti-Muslims riots in Mumbai, the ghastly rape of Muslim women in Surat and the continuous attack on and destruction of Christians and their institutions.

Hindutva Intellectuals do propagate its ideology through high research. Around 180 frontal organisations make this Parivar a strong and well-structured group. One of the active organisations, The Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad has proposed to form a Guru Sabha1 which will rule the country. They want to redraft the Article 25 of the Constitution dropping "propagate" religion, but to keep the freedom to practice and profess religion which are linked with national security requirements. They propose mainly five points for the Hindu Rashtra: 1) Bringing about a Brahminical social order; 2) Majority (poor) shall lose voting rights; 3) Reservation only for the élite ; 4) Minorities become second-class citizens; and 5) Supreme Court – the servant of Guru Sabha. These ideas are floated to check the reaction of the people. It also reveals the game plan of different organisations of Sangh Parivar to continue the dominance by the powerful caste groups. (Indian Currents, 20 August, 2000:21)

(a) It is hegemonic in the sense that Sangh Parivar imposes its values by force on others. Hinduism is the only religion that should grow and Christianity and Islam should not grow in this land and all people must accept the Hindu Dharma, otherwise it challenges to face the consequences to be other than Hindu in the country.

(b) It is homogenising. It aims at national consensus based on a homogenised Hindu identity. The diverse, creative and critical impulses in the Indian tradition are negated. The multi-religious and pluri-cultural identities and their traditions are not recognised as part of Indian tradition. It promotes only one identity – Hindu identity.

(c) It follows the pedagogy of recapturing and releasing the power of symbols and deities that catch the attention of the people. This attempts to show an illusion of solidarity and leads people into uncertainty and a disorderly situation. The selection and use of these symbols, events and actors are also associated with pedagogic violence. (Louis, 2000:76-77).

The goal of Hindutvawadis is to form a Hindu Rashtra which is not a religious state, it is a ‘modern phenomenon’ to impose the pre-modern social hierarchies on all sections of society. Hindu Rashtra threatens to engulf society and continue the status quo vis-à-vis the social position of women, workers, Dalits and Adivasis (Ram, 111).

Their clear-sighted aim is to establish Hitler’s Aryan rule in India, and impose the Manu Code with its caste-norms. Just as for the Nazis, the Jews were a great threat, so the Hindutvawadis consider the Muslims, Christians, Dalits, socialists and modern Hindus a threat. For Hindutvawadis, speaking against the exploitation of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes is anti-national. In the recent earthquake (26th January 2001) in Gujarat, a journalist was accused as anti-national by the BJP MLA Nalin Bhat, because of reporting the discrimination against the minorities in the relief that was distributed by the Government (Indian Express, 10 February 2001).

Hindutva in essence is Fascism. Both share the commonality, the same social base. Hindutva is a sub-acute, chronic fascism of a caste-ridden, hierarchicaly structured, and oppressive ideology. Hindutva’s core rests on the rich farmer; the industrialist and multiple segments of the middle classes (bureaucracy, professionals, traders, etc.) latched on to big capital. Hindutva has a socio-economic and political agenda of dominance.

In 1947 Nehru wrote, "we have a great deal of evidence to show that the RSS is an organisation in the nature of a private army which is definitely proceeding on the strictest Nazi lines, even following techniques of the organisation" (quoted by Jafferlot 1996:87). Although we can see the hidden agenda, an ordinary person may be confused by the message sent to people; one of the methodologies is double speak. Writing on the purpose of VHP, Pandya says, "The birth of Vishwa Hindu Parishad is for the unity and integrity of the country and the moral regeneration of Hindu society, its survival with self respect and uplift of Harijans, Girijans and other weaker sections". But the message is clear by the following appeal, "But it (VHP) cannot continue its work without physical and financial help from each of you" (Pandya, 28). Hence this approach of seeming unity is only to collect funds and the real motive of VHP is seen in its ideology.

The approach to Dalits, Tribals and Women are very complex and one sees a hidden script and hidden agenda in approaching them. Understanding the weak, non-people and oppressed people is a dharma to Christianity, hence a brief explanation of Hindutva on these marginalized people is given below.

From the ideology of the Hindutva, one denotes that the champions of Hindu nationalism, that is, Brahminical communal nationalisms wants to continue the Hindu hegemony over others.

The Hindu Rashtra campaign successfully took the social agenda away from the problems of Dalits — the untouchability, poverty, inequality and discrimination. By taking away their rights and dignity, the Hindutva forces roused an intense campaign to co-opt Dalits into the Hindutva fold, along with this they have started various programmes to impose the Brahminical culture and value systems on them. The complex machinations are being well orchestrated by different groups of the Sangh Parivar.

The Ayodhya movement has lured the Dalit participation in programmes like attacks on Indian Muslims. The All Hindu Kamandal project is today promoted to woo the Dalits to become Bajrang Dal shakhas for arms training on salaries of Rs.5,000 to 10,000 per month. The RSS and VHP leaders remembered the first anniversary of the demolition of the Babri Masjid in Ayodhya with the images of Ram and Dr Ambedkar. These leaders praised Dr Ambedkar in order to co-opt Ambedkarites into the Brahminical fold. This can be called a ‘Brahminization’ process. This has apparently shown that Dalits are part of the Hindu fold and the Sangh Parivar.

For the continuity of power in politics, the Sangh Parivar needs to get the support of the Dalits and Tribals. The assimilation and co-opting process is mainly to hold on to the power and not for any emancipation or equalitarian state. The appointment of Bangaru Laxman as BJP President is seen in this light of co-option, rather than accepting Dalits as equals in the Hindu society.

After 1993, the BJP had to admit low caste people because of their growing political consciousness. Uma Bharati, an OBC woman became the chief of the Bharatiya Janata Yuva Morcha. K.N. Govindacharya, a Brahmin was the main advocate of the inclusion of an increasing number of low-caste people at all levels. To continue in power, they have to keep intact their regular vote bank.

Sangh Parivar has indulged in the manipulation of Dalits in rural and slum areas. A youth Munnusami Nagar of Chennai stated that the RSS renamed Ambedkar Night School into Hindu Samrajya School. He said, "they taught us to say that RSS is our mother and BJP our father. They also claimed that Ambedkar was a RSS activist and distributed key-rings bearing the image of Ambedkar…. When the bomb blast took place in the RSS office we were offered huge sum of money to spread the rumour that the Muslims were responsible for the blast" (Anandhi, 1995:37). Among the slum dwellers of Chennai, the consistent effort of the RSS is to translate the Hindutva worldview as a popular perception. RSS has also succeeded to intensify Dalits’ identification with collective ‘Hinduness’ as a way of subverting their marginality (Anandhi, 1995:41).

Shankaracharya of Govardhan Peeth in Puri Jagatguru Nishchalandanda Saraswati has stated that ‘low-cost’ temples be built for the Dalits and Tribals who convert from Christianity and Islam. He has advocated that they should not enter the existing Hindu temples and they should not also marry other Hindus. They will have low-cost Swastika temples dedicated to Lord Ganesh (Indian Express, 9 June 2000). Hence promoting the separation concept from dominant castes, he has clearly indicated where and how the converted Dalits and Tribals will be in Hindu society.

In the lexicon of Hindutva, the word adivasis has disappeared. The Sangh Parivar prefers to call them vanvasis (dwellers of forests). By not calling them Adivasis, an attempt is made to reduce the Tribals to a people without a history. The shift from adi to van is a change from having a history to a spatially fixed location — forests (Louis, 2000:133).2 This metamorphosis is the fall out of a deliberate policy of the Sangh to deny the Tribals the status they deserve. The Vanvasi Kalyan Parishad, an affiliated body of Sangh started in 1952 is part of their plan to rewrite the history. The reason why the Sangh denies Adivasis the status of the original dwellers is that it runs counter to their own Aryan history of a Vedic civilisation of the country, and who dare to be the original inhabitants of the land (Indian Express, 8 March 1998).

There are many initiatives for the Hinduisation of Adivasis, the most important being the Ramshila Pujan, Rathyatra of Advani, Ramjyoti and Kar Seva. Adivasis are encouraged to light the fire from Ramjyothi, which was carried by a minirath. Speeches are given to instigate Adivasis to drive out Muslims and Christians from their areas (Pinto, 1995:2417). During the Ramshhila Pujan in 1984, a token collection of Rs. 1.25 was taken from Adivasis by asking them a question: ‘Are you Hindus?’. If you are, then prove it by contributing Rs.1.25 for Ramshila Pujan. If not, then prove that you have come from a Muslim womb!’ (Pinto, 1995:2417). Sangh Parivar and some Adivasi politicians have succeeded in inculcating the Hindutva ideology in the minds of the Adivasis people. Adivasis "have seized the opportunity to embrace Hinduism, which is the religion of the majority and considered to be one of the oldest religions in the world. The adoption of a wider identity is the crux of the matter for the Adivasis, but Hindutva supporters on the other hand are aware of the importance of keeping the Adivasis within the Hindu fold in order to secure Hindu hegemony" (Patel, 1999: 204).

Hedgewar said that Scheduled Tribes and Scheduled Castes should not be put on a pedestal. They should be treated equally (Malkani, 1980:73). By advocating their equality, a denial of their culture and identity is propagated. Activities from Hindu organisations have very systematically used Adivasis politicians, Bhagats, Sarpanchs, Police Patels and some primary school teachers to spread Hindutva ideology and to instigate communal riots. Expulsion and elimination of Muslims was proposed as solution from Adivasis location.

Hindutva activists have founded in most taluka headquarters their shakhas, such as Hindu Milan Mandir, Swaminarayan, Swadhyay, Ram Krishna, Radha Krishna, etc. There are also shakhas of the RSS, VHP, BJP, etc. They all propagate Hinduism and try to convince Adivasis that the latter will benefit from Hinduism.

Moneylenders and forest officials oppressed the Tribals in South Gujarat, especially in the Dang district. They were organised by some leftist groups led by Irfan Engineer and companions, but the Government labelled them as naxalites. The NGOs too pulled out from the area because of Government harassment. The Congress party was weak and corrupt and thus they became inefficient in the Tribal belt. Then, the Sangh Parivar organisations entered the area and successfully divided the Tribals as Hindu Adivasis and others. The Sangh Parivar began to co-opt the Hinduised Dalits and Tribals for votes and also made use of them to attack the Christians and Muslims (Valiamangalam, 2000:7).

When the Tribals are hinduised they are given generally a low caste rank, equivalent to untouchables in society. In South Gujarat, the Haplati or Dubla tribe has been highly hinduised and given a very low caste rank. They mostly work as bonded labourers for the dominant castes like Patidars and Desais. Hindutva forces insist that Tribals are Hindus and keep them as a backward class in society to utilise them for cheap labour.

It is pertinent to deal with the question, ‘Are Tribals Hindus?’. In the revival of Hindu fundamentalism, the Sangh Parivar is trying all its strategies to make others believe that the Tribals are Hindus and goes on with mass conversion drives of Hinduisation of Tribals. John Lakra argues against this claim. He argues that on the basis of religious, cultural, and legal considerations, Tribals are not Hindus. The Hindus have Scriptures like the Srutis, Smritis, the Epics, the Puranas and Darshanas. The Tribals on the other hand have oral traditions in the form of Creation Story, Karam Story, Asur Kahani, etc. The Hindus believe in Nirguna and Saguna Brahman, the Tribes believe in the Supreme Being whom they call Dharmes in Kurukh, Singbonga in Mundari and Ponomosor in Kharia. Besides gods, goddesses are also worshipped by Hindus. But for the Tribal worldview, there is only one Supreme Being and also worship of spirits, ancestor spirits as well as guardian spirits. While the Hindus make pilgrimages to holy places, the Tribals do not have this practice according to their belief system (Lakra, 1999:5-12; Louis, 2000:135-36). Hinduism is based on the Varna system on the basis of which the hierarchical system is established. But the Tribal society is divided into different tribes and tribes into clans. There is no superior or inferior among the Tribals. They are egalitarian in ethos. Even constitutionally, the Tribals are different from the caste groups, besides they have a provision for Scheduled Tribes, the Hindu Marriage Act and the Hindu Succession Act make it quite clear that the Tribals are not included within the class to whom the Act applies. The ploy of the Sangh Parivar is clearly to amalgamate all Tribals, their cultures and identity, under the umbrella of Hinduism.3

Understanding the place of women in the Hindutva ideology is very complex. Gender discrimination can be understood only in the concepts of secularism and equality, because the Hindu right seeks to redefine these concepts in accordance with its vision of Hindutva. The Hindu right is seeking to reconstitute women in and through the image of the Hindu nation, and of reconstituting the nation in and through the image of Hindu women.

The Hindu right restates its patriarchal concepts. This assertion of the greater dignity, even the concept of chaste and good Hindu women covertly substitutes for, and ultimately displaces a demand for equal rights. One comes across several messages from Hindutvawadis. Mridula Sinha, ex-President of BJP Mahila Morcha, in an interview in 1993 stated: a) A woman should not work outside the home unless her family is financially very deprived; b) Give dowry and receive dowry; c) We oppose women’s liberation, as it is another name for ‘loose morals’; d) We oppose equal rights for both sexes; e) There is nothing wrong with domestic violence against women; very often it is the women’s fault, we advise women to try and adjust, as her non-adjustment creates the problem; f) Women’s future lies in perpetuating the present, because no where else women are worshipped as we are in India; g) Women’s liberation means liberation from atrocities, it does not mean they should be relieved of their duties as wives and mothers (Louis, 2000:88)4. Another ex-President, Vijaya Raje Scindia led a group of women in a protest march against ‘anti-sati’ legislation, asserting that "it is the fundamental right of Hindu women to commit sati, as it is in preservation of our past glory and culture" (Louis, 2000:88).

BJP women leaders like Vijayaraje Scindia and Mridula Sinha have defended the practice of sati. The VHP woman leader of Krishna Sharma has demanded that women should return to their homes unless they are impelled by dire economic necessity. She has also defended dowry and polygamy as traditional resources and signs of cultural autonomy. The VHP leader Bamdav has also promoted male polygamy and the abolition of divorce among Hindus (Sarkar, 200). It seems that Hindu patriarchy has once again emerged as the embodiment of preferred values. It portrays that women must forget about gender rights to ensure community supremacy over others.

The film director Deepa Mehta says that the film "Water" tries to show how the Hindu tradition that prohibits re-marriage of widows leads to abandoned women flocking to holy places for refuge and eventually to their exploitation. This depicts how widows are pushed into prostitution. The Hindu fundamentalists did not want this truth to be portrayed. Finally the police officials asked the crew to leave Varanasi on 7th February 2000 (Indian Currents, 20 February 2000:28).

Sankaracharya Nishchalandanda also has said, woman should not read the Vedas, and they should not be given the right to property because in every situation she lives under the guardianship of a man (Indian Express, 6 June 2000). In Pune, the Rashtriya Swayamsevika Samiti (Women’s wing of the RSS) is disciplining Hindu women into being good mothers, and good wives.

The question is whether this ideology helps women’s empowerment or reflects a manipulated, false constructed consent and intentionality. One cannot write off the gender ideology of the Hindu right as unproblematically fundamentalist despite its overarching conservative patriarch system that are prevalent in society. On the one hand, this has brought them to be activists, to assume public roles; to have more bargaining power within their homes, and to be beyond a purely domestic or feminine identity. At the same time, one notices unabashed fundamentalism in its approach.

Hindutva uses religious imagery, glorifies the ‘golden past’ and rule of Hindu kings, sees women primarily under patriarchal control dictating their way of life, dress code, etc.. It co-opts all the sundry religious professionals and personnel’s to strengthen its ideology and political base and it uses religion to evoke sentiments creating national hysteria (Ram, 115).

Anandhi notes, "the important agenda of Hindutva has been of projecting in the public the militantly communal woman as a new woman by reversing the roles and images of Hindu womanhood. This reversal of roles seems to have equipped the communal woman with a new and empowering self-image" (Anandhi, 1995:37-38). One wonders what is the effect of this transformation in society. The women’s right wing organisation, Surakhsa, does not want a revival of Ram Rajya because they feel that Ram Rajya will subjugate women and it would only boost the erstwhile patriarchal norms (The Times of India, 24 January 2000). Many thinkers say that Hindutva has a ploy to subjugate women, and the equality, dignity and rights of women will be eroded in future.

Hundreds of books, booklets, pamphlets, documents and handouts are being printed and distributed to propagate the Hindutva ideology. Some of the widely circulated Hindutva literature can be summed up: (i) missionaries’ involvement in mass conversions by incentives, deceit, allurement, coercion, (ii) denigration of Hindu deities and Scriptures (iii) atrocities and torture of Hindus by Christians (iv) Tribals being branded as Hindus and Vanvasis. The thrust of the entire propaganda is to create an atmosphere of hatred and abhorrence towards the Christian minority.

Hindutva is essentially an outfit of socio-economic and political fundamentalism that pretends to be an agent of Hindu revivalism. In effect, Hindu nationalism is the conflict between the Brahminical social order and the outcaste Dalits, Tribals and women. It is a struggle between a patriarchal society and women; it is a long drawn out battle between the hegemonic and homogenising trends of the upper castes and pluralistic tendencies of the downtrodden. It is a conflict of interests and human dignity between the dominant caste/class rulers and the working caste/class people. The entire Hindutva drive is aimed against the merging of backward castes, Dalits and Tribals as one powerful group.

Savarkar’s slogan of "Hinduise all politics and militarise Hinduism" exposes the myth of Hindu tolerance (The Statesman, 26 February 1999). Dilipsingh Judeb, a self-proclaimed ‘liberator of Tribals’ told the Hindu women at the prayer service in Sundargarh district on 21 January 2000, "Beat them (Christian priests and nuns) up with brooms wherever you see them". He also told them that out of 13 lakh people in that district 3 lakh are Christians and they should be converted to Hinduism.

They advocate revenge for the works being carried out in Tribal areas by the missionaries. Christians continue to work for the upliftment of the Dalits, organise Tribals to assert their identity, empower the women in society. Thus the integral approach of socio-economic and political growth is one by the committed missionaries. Certainly this is not in the interest of the Hindutvawadis. What to do? Violence seems to come as strategy to flesh out missionaries from Tribal and Dalit areas. One of the documents in Gujarat says, "...we should implicate the top authorities of the mission and if possible foreign missionaries also. They may not be convicted in the court in the end, but they should be made to go up and down in the court for months on end and thus their having to undergo harassment is also a type of punishment" (Communalism Combat, April 2000:20). Analysing the situations of violence, Rawat says, "As long as assertion among the oppressed communities for their rights continues, as long as their fight for dignity continues, as long as they reject the existing social system, the attacks on Muslims and Christians would continue"(Rawat, 2000: 27).

Bajrang Dal promotes violence in their cadre and also organises camps to promote this idea. After one of the camps in June 2000, Prakash Sharma national Convenor of Bajrang Dal said, "We are training them in handling firearms since 1996. Twenty five such camps were being organised in 25 States to inculcate chivalry among the youth". Asserting this violent nature one activist said, "if you don’t do tod-phod, no one notices. But when people read that we have beaten up padres, every body sits up and takes notice" (The Times of India, 2 July, 2000). This explains the violent campaign they are engaged in to control the activities of the Christians.

VHP General Secretary Giriraj Kishore said in Chandigarh on 25 November 1998, "Today the Christians constitute a greater threat than the collective threat from separatist Muslim elements". The Christian missionaries are attacked today by the Hindutva forces because the work of the Christian missionaries among the oppressed groups goes against the interests of the Hindutva ideology of dominance.

The events of 1998-99 in Gujarat and Orissa and the recent attacks on Christians confirm the Sangh Parivar’s well-orchestrated plan of campaign of violence. M.V. Kamath’s recent article suggests that violence on churches and missionaries is justified because of conversion activities (The Times of India, 13 October 1999). Public order, morality and health are used to justify killings and physical attacks. These trends justifying violence and mobilising Dalits and Tribals for violent attacks are serious issues today. (Stanislaus, 2000:176).

The distinction between Hindutva and Hinduism must be clear. Unlike Hinduism, Hindutva is an ideology of violence and not merely a movement that happens to employ violence, so as "an ideology of violence it needs a hate-object to keep itself alive and must express itself through aggression and vandalism" (The Pioneer, 30 January 1999).